Libya: The Sovereign-Wealth Access Pipeline

October 2010. Epstein emailed a royal aide: "i want to go to tripoli lets organize with pa" (EFTA02421931-0). PA was Prince Andrew, then Britain's trade envoy. The aide replied the same day: "Spoke to PA. Tripoli can be organised, he wants more details" (EFTA02421891-0).

Andrew was already in the thread. Three months earlier he had forwarded Epstein his correspondence with Terence Allen, a UAE-based banker at Allied Investment Partners. Allen was arranging a Libya-to-Dubai loan worth "around 3 b" and told Andrew it could be arranged "quietly and discreetly" if he provided a reference. "you need not be involved officially" (vol00009-efta00736900-pdf-0). Andrew referred to Gaddafi's private office as "the private office of Brother Leader."

A few weeks after the Tripoli request, Andrew wrote Epstein: "I will call you later this evening after I have had my chat with my Libyan contact to see what we can arrange for you in Tripoli" (EFTA01795765-1). The next day: "Tried to ring but left message. No joy through the hotel! Libya fixed. Call me whenever" (EFTA02417055-0).

Gaddafi fell in August 2011. The International Criminal Court had issued his arrest warrant on June 29. The next day Gregory Brown, chairman of GlobalCast Partners, emailed Epstein a detailed pitch to support Libya's Transitional National Council. The TNC would provide "sovereign guarantees in the form of cash or crude oil" to anyone who helped. "More than US$80 billion in Libyan government assets and cash have been frozen outside of the country, including $32.4 billion frozen in the United States." The real selling point came last: the TNC planned "an immediate $100 billion rebuilding for the country.... and friends who help now, will be placed in front of the queue" (vol00009-efta00913890-pdf-0).

Epstein did not move. Two weeks later Brown tried again. The US had just recognized the TNC and unfrozen $30 billion in Libyan assets: "If you had moved when I suggested a month ago, today we would be taking partial credit for this success and helping them move much of this $30 Billion into safer places under the TNC's control, not to mention making tens of millions of dollars in fees" (EFTA01995819-0). Epstein replied: "not simple" (EFTA01859055-0). Brown pushed: "what you and I don't know, we can find and end up being their go-to guys and make hundreds of millions if not billions in the process." Epstein's next message ignored the pitch: "Stop into blanc blu say hello to Victoria" (EFTA01796007-0).

October 4, 2011. Brown revealed his closest TNC contact. Fadel Hshad, senior advisor to interim Prime Minister Mahmoud Jibril, had been "given the mandate from the TNC (signed by Dr. Ali Tarhouni, Minister of Finance), to negotiate a settlement with Goldman." Goldman Sachs had lost $1.3 billion of the Libyan Investment Authority's money. Hshad held the mandate. Brown offered to bring him to New York the following week (vol00009-efta00920407-pdf-0).

November 27, 2011. Bill Conover emailed Epstein from Dubai: "We have total access to the new gov in Libya for all business. They gave me an opportunity. No capital is required and substantial fees can be made with a few introductions. I need to discuss it in private. It's urgent" (EFTA01846653-1). Epstein replied from his iPhone: "I tried calling" (EFTA01846653-0). Conover: "Thanks. I put my phone on silent at night. Please call again" (vol00009-efta00925160-pdf-0). Two weeks later, on December 12, Epstein's calendar read: "8:30 AM: Breakfast with Bill Conover." The same day listed Nina Keita at 10:30 and Sultan Bin Sulayem tentative at 3:30 (vol00009-efta00422821-pdf-0).

March 6, 2012. Conover's pitch had moved up. "We're dealing with the Saad-Al Otaiba group on some potential deals in Libya," he told Epstein. The Al Otaibas had "helped start the NTC of Libya and were principal financial sponsors of the rebellion." They had already "placed approx $1B in a bank they own in Libya," were taking control of the national phone company, and wanted partners for auto distribution (GM, Caterpillar, Mercedes), food production, and deep-water drilling with Libya's National Oil Company. "One of the Al Otaibas is a current ambassador to the US" (EFTA01840044-0).

August 2012. Dr. Muhammad Al Magariaf was elected head of Libya's General National Congress, the country's first post-Gaddafi leader. Brown emailed Epstein the news. Epstein: "lets see him in new york" (vol00009-efta00940617-pdf-0). Brown replied: "Remember, Dr. Al Magariaf is the guy who I introduced you at the UN reception last June and he was the guy that I wanted you to bring to New York last September for the opening of the UN General Assembly. You were too busy my friend and we loss our advantage because the big guys will be offering him everything now that he is Libya's first democratically elected President" (vol00009-efta00713082-pdf-0).

By March 2013, the Goldman opportunity had passed. Brown emailed: "Not only did Libya's Sovereign Wealth Fund lose $1.3 billion with Goldman Sachs, it also lost $1 billion with Soc Gen I wonder how many more? We blew this opportunity" (EFTA01902481-0).

June 9, 2013. Brown sent Epstein a full prospectus. Almost $100 billion in frozen sovereign funds still awaiting release, refineries, ports, a "Rockefeller Center/Century City signature mixed-use" complex for Benghazi, hospitals, schools, airports, affordable housing. Brown proposed using former President Magariaf, "unshackled to pursue private sector projects," as the in-country partner. "Libya is rich and needs everything" (vol00009-efta00962613-pdf-0).

The archive contains no Epstein reply to the prospectus. Brown had sent 42 emails over two years. The Libyan Investment Authority's assets are still frozen, still contested between rival governments.